In The Democratic Republic of Congo the political agenda is to wish a good end to this year 2014. That wish is solely dependent of the end of conflict in the eastern part of the country. Majors combats are taking place between forces loyal to government in Kinshasa and Tutsi rebel of M23. AMAGEP investigates events in eastern DRC with analysis close to truth and facts.
The M23 rebels also known as the Congolese Revolutionary Army are forces made of Tutsi originally from Rwanda. They operate in the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo. This rebel group was formed in early 2012 under Rwanda’s government support. The group is named in reference to March 23, the date of a 2009 peace deal between the Congolese government and army defectors mainly Tutsi who claim power in DRC. A report by UN experts established that the group was backed by Paul Kagame the president of Rwanda.
The Rwanda government provides equipment, military hardware, training, intelligence, foods, medical supplies and special advice to rebel group.
The entire ethnic Tutsi of M23 fighters were once loyal to the CNDP which stood for National Congress for the Defense of the People. The CNDP assimilated into the national army of Congo in a 2009 peace deal. The CNDP itself was create from dissident of RCD-Goma which strategically kept its army branch away from the agreement of Lusaka between Congolese government and rebel groups in 2004.
M23 soldiers are loyal to colonel Bosco Ntaganda, a warlord wanted by the International Criminal Court for alleged war crimes. These Tutsi rebels defected from Congolese regular army few months after their insertion into the government plan. They complained about their treatment within the ranks, amid threats by Congolese President Joseph Kabila to arrest Ntaganda.
According to UN report, there are indications the rebels are getting outside aid. This report of experts names Rwanda and Uganda as direct backers of M23. Both countries deny this. The UN Security Council is considering sanctions on M23 leaders.
The sanctions should also be extended to majors political and military players in the region. But the Congolese government does not want to name Rwanda and Uganda publicly as backers of M23. May analysts believe the complicity between Kabila, Museveni and Kagame is the heart of the tragedy in the country. The UN has urged an end to all outside support to the group. The reality is that the M23 are occupying territories that are rich in meneral such as tin, gold, tungsten, and coltan.
These are minerals that are in huge demand on technology industry and jewelry. Mostly, they are used in making laptops and mobile phones. Some people accuse Multinational Companies of using the conflict in eastern Congo where M23 operates.
Currently the group led by Sultani Makenga, Bosco Ntanganda, Bertran Bisimwa and Makenga. In 2012 July 13th, the Pre-Trial Chamber II of the International Criminal Court (ICC) issued a new warrant of arrest for Bosco Ntaganda.
following the request submitted on 14 May 2012 by the ICC Prosecutor. Mr Ntaganda is suspected of committing war crimes and crimes against humanity against local Congolese population in DRC. Those crimes were committed on the period between 1 September 2002 to the end of September 2003. All crimes happened in the Kivu region where most parts of fell into the hands of M23 in the Democratic Republic of the Congo.
The Congolese government never lay a criminal case against M23 leaders. Congolese opposition and Civil Society servants consider that the conflict is profiting greatly Mr Kabila. The ICC has based its decision on the evidence presented by the Prosecutor Pre-Trial which considered that there are reasonable grounds to believe that Bosco Ntaganda is responsible for three counts of crimes against humanity consisting in murder, rape and sexual slavery, and persecution. AMAGEP estimates that the M23, their leadership and regional power who give them direct support should be accountable for four counts of war crimes consisting of murder, attacks against the civilian population, rape and sexual slavery, and pillaging.
Openly, on September 11th, 2012 Human Rights Watch accused the March 23 Movement of rapes, killings, torture, abductions and recruiting children to work as soldiers. These accusation support AMAGEP view on recent investigations that show ethnic cleansing practiced in eastern DRC by the rebel group. This strategy aims to replace Congolese population by Tutsi refugees from Tanzania. The long term vision on this practice is for Tutsi to become predominant population in eastern Congo which will facilitate the cessation of the Kivu.
This is a plan that has many supporters such as western powers who believe the wealth of DRC should be jointly manage between regional powers. The report that accused the said that M23 is leaving behind a horrific trail of atrocities in eastern Congo. Human Rights Watch said M23 has executed 33 of its own fighters for trying to desert in recent battle against the Congolese regular army. The rights group reports that 15 civilians have been killed in rebel territories since June 2012. M23 spokesman Vianney Kazarama strongly rejected the accusations which he said are a proof that Human Rights Watch (HRW) is on Kinshasa’s side.
AMAGEP believes that Uganda is still a major player in the conflict. Lately, Uganda denounced a leaked United Nations report that said both Uganda and Rwanda are supporting rebels in the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo. News agency Reuters obtained a copy of the 44-page report prepared by the Group of Experts mandated by the U.N. Security Council committee in October 2012. The document says Congo’s M23 rebels are commanded by Rwanda’s Minister of Defense James Kabarebe. The Ugandan and Rwandan armies supported M23 in a series of July 2012 attacks to take over towns in Congo’s Rutshuru territory. Uganda’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs denied this report saying that the charges are fabricated.
AMAGEP investigation reveals that sometime around mid-2013, the rebel group M23 prosperity continued but had limited support from Rwanda. The the military commander of M23 General Sultani Makenga had been able to recruit demobilized Rwandan soldiers. The finding were made just before the collection of evidences on full Rwandan army units supporting M23 since November 2012. Rwandan support was signaled for the first time when the rebels briefly occupied Goma. There were no current signs of Ugandan government support for the rebels, whereas in 2012 there was some Ugandan help for the movement. The Ugandan government denied those allegations.
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