Shame On You, FCC

The higher the monkey climbs, the more his behind is exposed, and who cares! This is FCC. FCC, at least for what remains, makes the world believe that they are playing their role in the Congolese opposition, that of being the counterweight to the majority. They are striving to hold the government accountable for the military and economic agreements entered into between the DRC, Kenya, Rwanda and Uganda. But who are we kidding? A de facto political platform should not think of lecturing the Republic; the situation in Eastern side is the work of FCC. By analyzing the economic dimension of the conflict in the East of the DRC of which the FCC is the parent on all levels, two peace agreements have been signed; it is the Lusaka agreement which is the very “womb” of the International Conference on the Great Lakes as well as the Addis Ababa Framework Agreement. These agreements remain the economic significance for the political and military intricacies whose existence is palpable in the two regional basins to which the economy of the DRC is connected, in particular the basin of Eastern Africa and that of Southern Africa. Geographical presentation to remove incompetence within FCC ranks, the first basin ensures the connection between the eastern flank of the DRC (from Ituri to South Kivu) and the Indian Ocean, while the second basin is more present at the level of Greater Katanga from which there is a link to the seaports located in the southern hemisphere of the continent.

It is also appropriate to extol the competent actions carried out by the Head of State, His Excellency Mr Félix Tshisekedi Tshilombo since his election to power, anxious to bring peace to the eastern part, which justifies the multiple pacification processes, including agreements, conventions, protocols, approvals and memoranda. It is important to mention that the economic stakes of the above-mentioned agreements reside in the volume of income from mining in the east of the DRC, not to mention the trade flows that originate in Kivu and Katanga at the level of each corridor when these agreements were signed. Dwarf intelligences contained in FCC persist in accepting that the DRC’s membership to the East African Community – EAC (EAC) is an important step in terms of regional economic integration and cooperation, because stability in the Great Lakes region undeniably depends on that in the east of the Democratic Republic of Congo.

What about the agreements signed on December 12, 2013, by the FCC government with the rebels of the March 23 Movement (M23)? Is it not confirmed that the FCC and the M23 were committed to ending the conflict in the east of the country, as documented in agreements signed in Nairobi, Kenya. It was reported that the three documents reaffirmed the dissolution of the M23 as an armed group and specified the modalities of the demobilization as well as the renouncement of its members to violence in order to asserting their rights.

Should one still remind FCC that insecurity in eastern DRC is no longer rife in this part of the DRC only. Are citizens not aware that insecurity in the Great Lakes is becoming multifaceted and dynamic? The presence of a number of Mozambican insurgents who came to train in the ADF camps at the time of the insurrection in Cabo Delgado, has added fuel to the fire since 2017. The insurgents who came from the south left from Mozambique to the DRC, transiting through Tanzania and Burundi, and crossing South Kivu to reach the province of North Kivu. FCC will find here the epitome of the silently effective diplomacy that Tshisekedi has undertaken around the world. Thus, it is entirely consistent that certain agreements are signed to facilitate the exchange of data and information for harmoniously useful and peaceful living together. However, the security situation in the country remains fragile and there is an increase in the activities of armed groups, including attacks against civilians. This justifies the signing of several agreements to ensure the security of neighboring countries.

Indeed, the FCC will have to make it clear that with the DRC officially a new member of the East African Community (EAC), the country will open its borders to member countries to raise the level of populations on the whole territory. With the DRC, the EAC will have 300 million inhabitants within it, and its 7 member States have the obligation to undertake again and again the most advanced processes of integration of trade, investment, free -circulation of people and political federation.

The aberrant observation is the M23, which fled the East of the Democratic Republic of Congo to surrender to the Ugandan and Rwandan authorities in 2013, is reborn in the province of North Kivu, traumatizing all the communities following the regional security crisis that he brings with him. Ditto for the Allied Democratic Forces -ADF, which have resurfaced. Hence the ardent need to lay the foundations for accelerated cooperation in terms of security, through joint operations by the DRC and Uganda, the memorandum of understanding between Burundi and the DRC to meet the challenges at the level of their common border or regular consultations between the heads of the intelligence services of the countries of the region.

Today, with catechesis, other words exist and can unwittingly create confusion or misunderstanding. This is the downside of an FCC which admits to being outside the Republican debates; indubitable fact because he never got used to it to coordinate negotiations at the highest level of the State with the aim of pacifying the spaces in conflict, and finding compromises with the belligerents and the insurgents. This is the stratagem of a high-quality policy signed by Fasthi Béton. It allows expression and paves the way for the promotion of commercial exchanges through the incessant flow of populations from Great Lakes communities. This is the very essence of the DRC’s membership of the EAC. It is up to the FCC to address grievances over their calamitous stewardship of the country for 18 years; a management characterized by the expropriation of Congolese state property. Orgaman become Egal-made private, the private ports to the detriment of the national port of Matadi; the oilfields that have become the personal property of Dan Getler, not to mention Gécamines, which has been split up, crumbled and sold at a low price. Who owes whom?